of victory: A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE SOUTH a laborer. 
"Return to the story and emphasize the importance of that victory had the political and social life of the country." This was the first thought that occupied my mind, when a few days ago I decided to spend some 'time to the writing of this article. Yes, because in my years of school life and in all school levels (from elementary to university) I have never seen or read a single line spent on this great hero of Italian political life of the twentieth century in the history books. Yet I do not think that the union has not Pugliese played a key role in building what today appears to be one of the largest unions in Europe and especially in the building of the Italian Republic. Giuseppe Di Vittorio could not be regarded as an intellectual who stands as the vanguard of the working class (say a communist of the old school). Vittorio had a degree had no qualifications, no. Probably he did not know in detail throughout the archipelago philosophical theories / policies that have allowed the emergence of a political doctrine and representative summary of the labor movement and its many souls (moderate and revolutionary) that led to the birth of the various facets of the international left and the Italian Communist and Socialist (for details see the texts of the various Rousseau, Hegel, Marx, Gramsci, ect ect). We know how this whole thing is over. Today in Italy the left is in a particularly difficult time for theoretical synthesis,
but also making itself felt in a more or less still a clear separation of communication skills among managers (politicians and trade unionists) and the masses. Di Vittorio all this did not happen. Many leading figures of the left today precisely because the regret came not only in the heads of people, but also in the heart. His speeches were filled to overflowing with proletarians, peasants, workers and employees, workers who finished the rally did not go away saying "are fine words, but ..." rather than going some way to at least have a real political representation in the institutions on which they could rely on. Why Di Vittorio before being a trade unionist and a communist had been a laborer. Vittorio was one of them, belonged to the people.
I make some questions for a long time now, having a sensitivity on certain issues, lover as they are, and the administrative union of the political history of this country. How come you speak very little of a personality so important, that was able to unite the social fabric of the time, a worker among workers, a fascist, and founder of modern CGIL? I prefer to leave the answer to the readers who will be able to read these few lines.
However, I need to reconstruct the history of the laborer who became a deputy, and other considerations before making interpretations.
YEARS OF YOUTH 'AND TRAINING OF AUDITORS Giuseppe Di Vittorio was born on August 11, 1892 in Cerignola a small town in the province of Foggia. In this town will begin its first political battles that will continue until the age of 25 years. Unlike many of the union workers, but its origins are not farmers. His father was a farm worker who worked the land of the Marquis and Baron Ruby (monarchical convinced). The young "Peppino" will see his father die at work, as well as some childhood friends. Dead father was forced to resume his work as a laborer at the age of 11 years. Will remember years later, he wanted to have a good set of studies. However, left school after learning to read and write. During his teenage years will put aside the money to buy dictionaries and textbooks. It will be in effect a self-taught. The events involving the death of his father and some friends will shape his way of life for workers. At age 15, the first major political action: he founded a youth club along with other office within the town. Shortly thereafter he was arrested and will spend two nights in jail. In recent years his political education seems to be anarcho - syndicalist, then closer and closer to the Italian Socialist Party. Between 1911 and 1921 leads to a series of labor struggles both at Cerignola in other municipalities that would make him famous all over Apulia. You will be asked to head the chamber's work first Minervino Murge, Bari and later. The chamber Bari's work will be the last place to fall in the hands of fascist. In this chamber on the squad defeated fascists will often meet resistance and almost impenetrable for a long time.
ACTIVITY 'PARLIAMENTARY AND THE TRANSITION FROM THE PSI PCI After being defeated in the election of the town of Cerignola, where the son of Baron Ruby, with the support of the black shirts and the police, thanks to triumphs killings and intimidation against employees, was elected national deputy while being held in prisons in Lucera (1921) in the ranks of PSI. In these years was in place the so-called "red biennium" in the wake of the victorious Bolshevik revolution. In February 1919 the FIOM, directed by Bruno Buozzi (his friend), realizes the historic achievement of the working day of eight hours. In Turin, the impetus for moving the New Order of Antonio Gramsci and Palmiro Togliatti, will require new ways of working class representation, modeled on the Soviet Bolsheviks: the works council to direct extraordinary struggles as the "strike of the hands" to FIAT. However, the occupation of the factories in September 1920 ended with a bitter defeat and the very harsh reaction to the main "red biennium" certainly does not wait. With the financial backing of the Confederation of Mussolini's fascist movement grows and intensifies in the first place among farmers and white collar class from regions up to Po to the south. After the murder of Matteotti response parliamentary PSI is weak and is not intended to fuel further conflict. Vittorio interprets the political tactics of the Socialist Party as a kind of political paralysis, and in 1924 decided to move to the Communist Party of Italy was born from the split of Livorno in 1921. In 1925 the fascist he is sentenced by a special court to 12 years in prison and flees to France along with other leaders of the PCI. The Covenant of Palazzo Chigi (1925) and the Palazzo Vidoni Pact (1926) and the Confederation of the fascist regime set the legal recognition of the union only fascist. Will be offered a place of relief from Mussolini in the Fascist unions. But Di Vittorio refuses. At the same time is virtually eliminated freedom of expression, association and strike. On 1 November 1926 CGdL headquarters in Milan was devastated by the fascists. Shortly after the beginning of 1927, the Steering Committee decides on the CGdL disbanded in France coordinates the review and directs the anti-fascist newspaper "Voice of the Italians" are in the 30's. During this time his wife died Carolina Morra, the love of a lifetime spent together since childhood. In 1937 he took part as a volunteer in the English Civil War in the ranks of the International Brigades. Later he returned to France to participate in acts of resistance of the people French and in 1941 he was arrested by the Nazis who had occupied the country in the meantime. Anti-Fascist Resistance
THE CONSTITUENT Assembly In 1943 he was released by the Badoglio government and, in the last two years of World War II, took part in the resistance within the ranks of the Garibaldi Brigades. He was born the movement of Nazi-fascist struggle and the contribution to employment of workers is crucial for the extension, the establishment and success of the Resistance. On June 3, 1944 in a bombed the capital, the pact is signed in Rome a historic step for the unity of the workers' union. For the first time social workers, Catholics and communists will be represented by a the only union CGIL. The contribution of Di Vittorio was decisive for the birth of trade union unity. Giuseppe Di Vittorio for PCI, Achille Grandi for DC, Emilio Canevari for the PSI sign the pact. Buozzi who had worked hard to implement the pact was killed a few days before signing the pact, the Germans. The CGIL contributed a unit of the Republic to victory in the referendum that ended the monarchy, guilty of having encouraged the rise of fascism, has signed the shameful racial laws of 1938 and undignified flight from the capital on September 8, 1943. In 1946 he was elected to the Constituent Assembly with the PCI component and as Vice-President of Commission XI (Labor and Welfare social) I and II term.
HIS FIGHT FOR UNITY 'UNION AND ITS IDEAS FOR WORKERS In 1945 he was elected secretary of the CGIL and the National Congress in 1947 to record the CGIL nearly 6 million members. Vittorio succeed at least for the time being to maintain trade union unity. The pretext for the break occurs in 1948 when, following the general strike proclaimed by the CGIL because of a right-wing extremist attack against Togliatti, the current Catholic broke away and formed their own union, the CISL, then imitated by the Social Democrats who regrouped in the UIL. Despite the continued division of the union Puglia His struggle for trade union unity often reiterated that the first goal for the CGIL trade unionists had to be precisely the unit. In recent years the Italian trade unions will suffer the intense pressure of the respective parties of reference. The CGIL was tied hand in glove with the PCI. Also in this case of victory will be for a position of autonomy of the CGIL against Marxist parties and movements. Thus began the difficult period of crisis within the CGIL crisis derives from the ideas from both an increasingly strong anti-communism in Italy after the election victory of 1948 and 1953 the Christian Democrats. The CGIL, led by the Communist Giuseppe Di Vittorio, reacts very hard to launch attacks on government and Confindustria "Plan of Work", a major policy initiative with a central idea of \u200b\u200bfurther economic and social development. The work plan provides for the nationalization of electricity companies, the creation of an extensive program of public works and housing, the establishment of a national institution for the reclamation and irrigation of the land. The plan of work is one of the most innovative ideas flipping in Italy, especially solidifies the social fabric among the poorer classes and the business sector. Another major project launched by the Secretary of the CGIL was the creation of a constitution in the workplace to ensure workers' rights, a very innovative idea at that time. The project will be based concrete only in 1970 with the founding of the Workers.
THE LAST YEARS OF LIFE: Self-criticism and dissent In 1955 the CGIL (FIOM) suffers a crushing defeat in the FIAT factories for the renewal of the council and lowers his approval from 60% to 36.5%. The CGIL Di Vittorio not hiding behind the dismissals, discrimination, the excommunications, the difficulties in finding jobs that have affected its activists, and yet would be more than enough reasons to justify the loss of consensus to FIAT and other large factories North. The companion Di Vittorio includes instead there are reasons for all the internal politics of the CGIL: too big to revolt national and international policy issues and little attention to the material conditions of workers in individual workplaces. CGIL accepts the challenge to confront the reality of the contract and redirect its policy, too centralized in the federal government, in the direction of a broader articulation. This choice will almost immediately return to consensus and to increase the number of union members that share will rise to almost 7 million members. In 1956, the union of Cerignola, was the only officer of some importance in the PCI to take a stand against the invasion of Soviet troops in Hungary. He justified that by saying that Hungary was not a conservative or a reaction counterrevolutionary rebellion, but simply the protest of students and workers against a murderous regime like the Soviet Union. Then with great sorrow staff was forced to recant his position because of the intense pressure of Togliatti and a large part of the PCI, but despite everything never changed opinion on the tragic events in Hungary. Following these events the CGIL lost nearly 1 million members and 300,000 members of the PCI. The fame and prestige of Di Vittorio had a large following among the working class and the labor movement all over the world so that, in 1953, was elected president of the WFTU. Di Vittorio, the laborer became the beloved of Cerignola secretary general of the CGIL, dies November 3, 1957 in Lecco, after a meeting of union officials.
A well-known exponent of the Italian left remember it in the 50th anniversary of his death: "Giuseppe Di Vittorio was a laborer, illiterate son of illiterate parents, self-taught, grew up in a land of the province of the deep South, that Cerignola that entered the collective imagination of the country as basin formation of this history. He, from that starting point, so dramatic and hard, has become one of the most important leaders in the history of the Republic. As part of the ruling class, even democratic, its source was rare, unique, at least watching the highest figures in the history of the Republic. In Italy the workers, peasants, laborers were an important part of the new class and the rise of the masses has led to run the country, particularly those in large aggregations of mass that, after the victory against fascism, have marked the history of our country: the union and people's parties. But the presence of particular intellectuals in the direction of the labor movement, which characterizes the peculiar Italian history and the difference from that of other European countries, has meant that a presence like that of Giuseppe Di Vittorio constitute an original element in the landscape of the figures leader of the Italian ruling class. To Di Vittorio has become una leggenda che ha attraversato più generazioni e vive ancora. È stato un mito spontaneo, come il professor Pepe ha più volte ricordato, un mito nato dal basso”.
